Nolan Chart columnist Ejner Fulsang says that the way to deal with the fact that American presidents so often exceed their Constitutional authority when they get us into most wars is to give more power to Congress to oversee the Presidency. When I suggested that it's foolish to keep rewarding Congress when they keep failing in their duties, he replied, "You gotta better idea, I'd like to hear it." This article is my attempt to address this issue for the public at large, but it's also for Ejner Fulsang.
Before we can fix Constitutional issues, we must first define what they are. Fulsang has identified one of them. Presidential war-making without a Congressional declaration of war is clearly unconstitutional, but that merely scratches the surface of a much deeper and wider-spread problem.
Let's take a moment to briefly (well, as briefly as we can) itemize the major ways that the government disregards and dishonors the Constitution at present. I'll attempt to make a short list, starting with Fulsang's point.
Those are just the broad highlights. A truly comprehensive list of all the ways the Federal government has violated the Constitution over the years would probably fill an encyclopedia.
Jackson Turner Main in his 1961 book, The Anti-Federalists: Critics of the Constitution 1781-1788 (WW Norton & Co., New York), wrote on pp 124-5:
"The critics then turned to the failure to reserve any powers to the states. Considered in connection with the elastic clauses, this omission seemed highly significant. If it were not clearly stated that all powers not granted were reserved, then it certainly seemed that Congress might exercise such powers through interpretation. In order to collect taxes, Congress might find it 'necessary and proper' to infringe upon the right of trial by jury, or the freedom of the press, or any other right; in order to legislate for the 'general welfare,' Congress might do anything it pleased, for nothing was specifically forbidden. The time might come, George Mason warned, when Congress would oppress the people; and if anyone dared to defend them could not Congress, pretending to act for the general welfare, construe their action as sedition? Could not Congress thereupon restrict the press, and try cases arising from that restriction within its own ten-mile jurisdiction? The implications were enormous. Obviously an amendment to the Constitution was required to make it clear that this was a government on which at least a few limits were to be set--unless indeed to reserve powers was useless when the important ones had been surrendered."
Certainly sounds familiar to us who live under the reign of George W. Bush, doesn't it! This was the motivation behind the Bill of Rights. In fact, the Constitution could not have been ratified without it, since many of the states passed their resolutions in favor with the stipulation that such a Bill must be attached. The most important of the 10 amendments in the Bill of Rights reluctantly penned by James Madison was the 10th amendment, which states: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."
Many constitutional scholars claim that it is the equal protection clause of the 14th amendment that limits the government the most under the Constitution, but they are wrong. The greatest limit is (or should be) the 10th amendment. If this amendment were honored and protected by the courts, we wouldn't have the huge, grasping, monolithic government that we have today.
Now that we have at least attempted to identify the full breadth and scope of the ongoing Constitutional crisis we face, what can be done about it? This is Fulsang's challenge to me.
First, we must must state what the answer cannot be. It cannot be to give the government any more power than it already has. Clearly, the government already has far too much power. It is drunk with its own power, and the intoxication increases annually. Given the fact that Congress, the President, and the courts all have sufficient power under the Constitution to hold the others accountable, but that all consistently fail to do so, demonstrates that granting more power will only make the problem worse. If Congress refuses to use its impeachment power, for example, what's the point of giving them more say over the President's implementations of war?
Put another way: if you have a sidearm and an M16 rifle, and you're under direct military attack by a hostile force, and you refuse to use either weapon to fight back, what's the point of then giving you a bazooka?
So what's left that we can do? At this point, the only thing left is for the people to show some backbone and start taking back their country from the politicians. In a letter to James Madison in 1787 referring to Shay's Rebellion, Thomas Jefferson wrote, "I hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical." It might come to that, but I think we should start with revolution first, if possible.
I must take a moment to distinguish between the words "revolution" and "rebellion." The American Revolution took place between 1754 (with the start of the French and Indian wars) and ended in 1776 (with the signing of the Declaration of Independence). What followed in 1776 through 1781 was the American Rebellion, in response to Britain's refusal to honor the terms of the Declaration. A revolution is a change in thought. Just as the earth revolves around the sun, so also old ideas revolve around to form new ideas, and a change in general thinking takes place. This is the true meaning of revolution. Wars fought in association with revolution are actually rebellions against tyranny. The reason rebellion is often associated with revolution is that rebellion often follows revolution.
What we need in this country today is nothing less than a new revolution, a change in our thought practices. If we can achieve that change peacefully through democratic processes, we might avoid the bloody rebellion that often comes later when the entrenched powers that be decide to throw caution to the wind and forcibly stamp out the revolution which has already taken place. 2004 Libertarian presidential candidate Michael Badnarik likes to say that he is trying to, "Light the fires of liberty one heart at a time." Indeed that is the true nature of revolution. It is a fire that is lit one heart at a time.
©2007 Walt Thiessen, all rights reserved. You must have written permission from the author in order to republish this work.
Published: Monday, September 17, 2007
Last modified: Wednesday, September 19, 2007
The views expressed in this article are those of Walt Thiessen only and do not represent the views of Nolan Chart, LLC or its affiliates. Walt Thiessen is solely responsible for the contents of this article and is not an employee or otherwise affiliated with Nolan Chart, LLC in his/her role as a columnist.
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